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Whistler
Super-natural British Columbia blasted out of the way
Introduction to scholarly anthropology work about Whistler resort brings deeper issues to mind on the eve of its Olympian exposure
By Lisa Vermeulen
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It requires a two-hour journey along the Sea-to-Sky highway to get to Whistler from Vancouver. I have taken this journey several times over the course of the last three months to re-familiarize myself with a place that I called home for a period of five years during the 1990s.
Road construction along the Sea-to-Sky highway is a common occurrence, and it was therefore no surprise to have to wait some time at one particular section for the construction crew to conduct their work. Looking to the left of my vehicle, the landscape is beautiful: Howe Sound never ceases to amaze. It represents the province’s slogan “Beautiful British Columbia” in all its glory. Looking to the right of my vehicle, I am confronted with a stark contrasting view: the violence of tons of newly blasted boulders where only recently a bluff, so characteristic of British Columbia’s coastal landscape, stood.
Of course, these two aspects of the landscape blend in a forward-looking visionary field. The highway is being expanded and made safer to make Whistler more accessible for future visitors. It is being aestheticized and modernized in preparation of the Olympic and Paralympic games that Whistler will co-host with Vancouver in 2010.
The holy trinity
The slogan on the sign marking the end of the road construction zone sums it up succinctly: “Moving British Columbia Forward.”’ Nature, construction, and progress meet as a holy trinity in the marketable product called “Whistler”: a place that until 30 years ago was just another town representative of British Columbia’s hinterland development, “where the people endured a boom-or-bust economy dependent on the land’s natural resources,” as Bob Barnett put it in A Vision for a Valley.
“The Sky is the Limit” is one of those popular sayings often used in conjunction with economic expansion. It is perhaps no surprise that the highway to Whistler is called the “Sea-to-Sky.” After all, it leads—ever more directly and efficiently—to the base of one of the two developed ski mountains in Whistler, namely Blackcomb, from which point it is an easy ski-lift ride to one of the world’s best-rated ski areas, called Seventh Heaven.
Whistler, the Valhalla of leisure activities, attracted approximately 871,000 visitors in the 2003-2004 winter season, according to Tourism BC. This translates into an average of approximately 14,850 visitors per day. During last year’s summer, the resort attracted approximately one million visitors. The resident population is estimated at 10,000 people. Therefore, at any given time, there are more visitors in this place called Whistler than there are residents.
One of the main theoretical approaches to the anthropology of a place and its space postulates that the historical production of places involves various fields of power, such as the local and the global, which are articulated in the form of a struggle. Henri Lefebvre, author of The Production of Space (1974), argues that the emergence of leisure-oriented space (i.e., a space designated as a “non-work” space) is a consequence of the rise of the capitalist mode of production in which workspace and leisure space came to be separated.
The ritual of tourism
These different symbolic spaces, one associated with the quantitative aspects of “major industrial agglomerations,” and one associated with the qualitative aspects of leisure life, have become hierarchically ordered locations, whereby the working class’s engagement in productive processes in the quantitative space is off-set by the consumption of leisure space. Put another way, tourism, which involves a physical movement from one designated space into another, can be seen as a ritual response towards the alienation of modernity, as Kevin Meethan put it in Tourism in Global Society.
Leisure-oriented spaces may appear to be spaces outside of the governmentality of “the hegemony of the bourgeoisie,” says Lefebvre, but they are anything but that. In fact, “this seemingly non-productive [space] is planned with the greatest care: centralized, organized, hierarchized, symbolized and programmed to the nth degree.” Thus, they are at the same time localities that are defined by “a set of relations, an ongoing politics, a density, in which places are discursively and imaginatively materialized and enacted through the practices of variously positioned people and political economies” says Hugh Raffles in Local Theory: Nature and the making of an Amazonian Place. They are also spaces in which an “illusion of naturalness” is produced since it is the appeal to nature that is being marketed.
Destination resorts such as Whistler often exhibit a great transitional quality as visitors as well as seasonal workers come and go and make up a considerable portion of the inhabitants on any given day of the year. With increased technology, possible travel routes and vehicles, international tourists, and international stakeholders, such as tour-operators, bankers and entrepreneurs who hold a vested interest in the production of these types of places, they have also become transnational places.
Such special places have caught the attention of socio-cultural anthropologists and geographers, many of whom have been concerned with the socio-cultural relationship between hosts and visitors in these designated leisure spaces, and the way that these are articulated and become anchored in the discourse of place and space.
Recombining work and play
However, little attention has been given to leisure places that have been specifically staked out, designed, and produced as a marketable product, and in which many residents choose to live with the intent of combining both work and play.
My case study examines how the production of Whistler came into being and has been actively pursued by various actors. It will also examine the current discourses and narratives about spatiality as expressed by Whistler residents. It is in these discourses, which express a need to combine values of nature and profiteering, that the struggle to strike a balance between nature, “the ‘raw material’ from which [spaces] are produced,” as Lefebvre puts it, and leisure, is most apparent. It is through this combined discourse that the people who make up the locality of Whistler construct and contest the boundaries between “local” and “visitor.”
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