Factions, foes, and funding

The fracture within the Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE), governing party of Vancouver municipal council, can be viewed from a number of perspectives. One perspective not explored is the relationship between COPE and the New Democratic Party (NDP). Traditionally, supporters of the provincial NDP have worked easily within COPE. However, the provincial NDP's hierarchy has always had a difficult time doing the same.

Currently, evidence abounds of the NDP's strong presence within COPE. NDPers are in high positions within COPE. Councillor Tim Stevenson was an elected NDP MLA. Councillor Jim Green was the NDP's main man in the Downtown Eastside, and was also MLA Jenny Kwan's mentor, and an NDP candidate provincially. Mayor Larry Campbell's communications man, Geoff Meggs, worked for ex-Premier Glen Clark. Recently departed campaign manager Neil Monckton sits on the NDP's provincial board, and has worked on NDP campaigns. Together, this faction within COPE, the so-called “COPE Lite” faction, comprises the conservative side of the party. There are also many other connections within the executive board.

In fact there is a long history of a strained relationship between COPE and various civic NDP parties, one that illuminates the present difficulties within COPE. In 1966, Harry Rankin, up to then never elected, “called for unity of progressive civic forces,” but the NDP rejected the idea. Instead, it ran a slate of four candidates under the slogan “Vote Four and No More.” No subtleties there.

In 1968, then president of the Vancouver and District Labour Council (VDLC), Ed Sims, called for a “committee to unite all those interested in opposing the representatives of big business” in Vancouver. An article in the Pacific Tribune newspaper reported that Cliff Greer, speaking as a representative of the NDP, said that he disagreed that a broad front could defeat the NPA and TEAM parties, and that in his opinion, candidates should first be members of the NDP rather than such a committee.

In 1970, the local NDP passed a resolution to begin talks with COPE to discuss co-operation in the next election, but in August of the that year the Provincial Council of the NDP “cracked down on its Vancouver membership,”rejecting co-operation with COPE.

The problems continued through the 1980s and into the 1990s. Writing in 1983, Don Gutstein reported civic NDP mayoralty candidate Mike Harcourt “made great efforts”to “distance” himself from COPE and its left wing. Harcourt, wrote Gutstein, threatened to field a full slate of candidates, whereupon COPE cut its slate hoping to accommodate him.

During the same campaign there were allegations of dirty tricks by the NDP against COPE. In her book on COPE, Donna Vogel claimed that in the early 1990s, the VDLC exerted pressure on COPE to strike an alliance with the Civic New Democrats. But disappointment with the provincial NDP government led to COPE criticisms of that party. There was at the time an upcoming by-election. Angered by the criticisms, civic New Democrats “refused to accept that the vacant seat belonged to COPE”wrote Vogel. But this, like so many other fractures between COPE and the Civic NDP was patched over.

How? Riding shotgun at these strained marriages between the two groups has been the main funder of all municipal left parties, the VDLC. For example, in the 1992 tiff, described above, VDLC's John Fitzpatrick wrote the civic NDP, warning, “The VDLC . . will no doubt be reviewing the results of the by-election very closely. It will also review the role that the VDLC plays in it and whether we can afford the luxury of having two parties representing the views of labour.”

The luxury of two parties representing labour: Fast forward 13 years

So where does this leave us? With a “COPE” Mayor who may be a shade to the left of centre, with a team of councillors and administrators—Green, Stevenson, Louie, Meggs, and until recently Monckton—who have solid conservative NDP credentials. This group has rammed through or supported one mega-development after another—the Olympics, the RAV line, the Convention Centre, the Casino industry. Campbell and Louie were especially instrumental in forcing the RAV line on the city and also supported transit fare increases. The Mayor has rallied to support the police as they have yet again come in over budget. COPE Lite is nothing more than the new face of the developer and police group that has run Vancouver for the last 50 years.

Now to the surprise that beats all: Larry Campbell has decided to remain within COPE and to continue the factional dispute. The question is why? Everyone expected Campbell's crew to break away from COPE and form a third party, most likely to form a socially liberal and pro-development party, like the TEAM group from the 1970s, which they closely resemble. They have no need for fundraising support. They could gather a huge war chest easily through their developer friends whom they have served so well. COPE Lite apologist Alan Garr has two big movers in the city real estate industry—Bob Rennie and Ian Gillespie—firmly committed to the Campbell group.

The fact is, a third party under “Smiley” Campbell's leadership would not be a big threat to COPE. COPE's core supporters are solid—witness the last two membership meetings—and would only be galvanized by the departure of Campbell and the others. A new party running from the middle, as NPA councillor Sam Sullivan said recently, would mainly fight the NPA for votes.

The biggest threat to the “COPE Classic” faction is the question of VDLC funding. In North America, politics demands significant funds. In the last election, both major parties spent over $1 million. Because they are the only clear alternative to Campbell's crew and the NPA, and because they command such intense support from their membership, the COPE Classic team could run a good campaign with much less money then the COPE Lites or NPA. However, no one could compete with less than say $200,000.

In a piece on the pro-NDP Tyee website, Scott Deveau paraphrased the executive director of the BC and Yukon Building Trades, Wayne Peppard, as saying he'd support the Mayor were he to leave COPE. He has not left COPE, and ironically, the Lites represent a bigger threat to COPE from the inside of the party than from outside the party.

By staying within COPE, raising funds autonomously, the Lite's could siphon funds from some of the conservative NDP labour unions. If Campbell and his claque had departed COPE, even the union bureaucrats would have had a hard time donating to the same party as the city's biggest developers. Now, by staying within COPE, the union bureaucrats can feed money to them while still saying they're supporting COPE. But note: COPE Lite could raise enough money from the developers without the big unions' support; however, by also cornering a large share of the union money, they will deny that same money to the Classic team, thereby strangling them.

If the VDLC were to support the Lite faction, the Classic group would be without the funds to mount a serious campagn. Three officers within VDLC, President Bill Saunders, Treasurer Kelly Quinn, and Recording Secretary David Black, have all been identified with the COPE Lite faction in the past. The same day that Campbell announced his gambit to stay in the COPE party, his press release was available at that evening's VDLC meeting.

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